I’m working on a social science writing question and need a sample draft to help me learn.
Propose a research topic and research question within the overall research topic. Indicate what type of data might be used to address the research question.
Discussion Board Expectations
By the end of Thursday, reply to this post. The title of the post should indicate your name and your research topic. The substantive part of your posting should include three paragraphs that address the following:
By the end of Saturday, respond to at least one of your classmates’ initial postings with feedback about:
On Monday (after a productive back-and-forth exchange of ideas has occurred), provide a final posting by responding to your initial posting. In this posting, you should address your classmates’ and instructor’s comments holistically and provide your proposed final research topic, final research question, and tentative data.
The instructor will oversee the discussions and approve and/or provide suggestions about your research topic, research question, and data after your final posting.
and if i got approved by my professor, i will invite you to do the paper. thank you so much!
here is some example from my classmates: 1.My general research topic is examining how international law and international norms apply and are enforced in some countries/states more than others. Specifically, I hypothesize that there is a double standard that exists with the use of legitimized violence between countries that have historically been colonizers and those who have historically been colonized/oppressed. I think this topic is important because society tends to think of colonization as something that happened in the past, but there are reverberating effects today. There are contemporary examples of colonialism and apartheid (a facet of colonialism) that are currently ongoing (Human Rights Watch) (链接到外部网站。). In the past couple of decades, decolonial and postcolonial scholars have developed well-rounded research on how colonialism affects poverty levels, physical well-being, education, food insecurity, and other socioeconomic hardships on formerly colonized populations. My more specific research topic is going to look at Israel’s occupation of Palestine since it is widely recognized in decolonial and post-colonial circles to be the most potent example of settler colonialism today and a blatant international law violation.
I have two research questions, and I am not feeling 100% about either of them so please feel free to critique!
1) To what extent does the Israeli government’s privileging of Jewish Israelis, repression of Palestinians, and colonization and occupation of Palestinian land violate international law?
2) Under what conditions do Palestinian’s have a legal right to resistance as legitimized by the UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43 of 1982?
Answering these two research questions would help inform my research topic but using a case study to examine the merits and strength of international law and whether it applies unevenly depending on the subject or alliances to Western powers who make up the bulk of the international law enforcement community, and it would help understand what modern-day settler colonialism looks like and how we could expand our understanding of it so that we do not relegate it as a past atrocity but something that can currently be dismantled and rectified.
I envision my data to be primarily secondary. There is a wealth of public information on the long Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its effects. I expect to look at datasets on disproportionate death tolls between Palestinians and Israeli’s in combat, socioeconomic indicators like food insecurity, poverty and education levels, and the number of Palestinians who have been displaced and that are refused their right to return. I expect to look at UN votes and resolutions on issues relating to Israel and Palestine to get an idea of the international community’s alignment on the conflict.
For my research topic involves a President Biden’s recent government allocation of 1.9 trillion dollars to American Rescue Plan. Where he sets forth key provisions that nearly $123 billion fund for K-12 schools as part of the larger COVID relief bill.
The legislation includes nearly $123 billion for a new Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief (ESSER) Fund $2.58 billion for IDEA, Part B funds in FY 2021, and $800 million in funding to identify and provide dedicated wraparound services for students experiencing homelessness. It will also require state educational agencies to pass through 90 percent of ESSER funds received to local educational agencies “in an expedited and timely manner and, to the extent practicable, not later than 60 days after the receipt of such funds.”
The legislation also includes a dedicated $2.75 billion Emergency Assistance to Non-Public Schools Fund that replaces a requirement to reserve ESSER funds for equitable services that was included in earlier drafts of the bill.Congress has provided financial support for districts and schools through the Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief (ESSER) Fund to address the ongoing impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Pennsylvania received $523.8 million in emergency ESSER I funding, another $2.2 billion as part of the ESSER II funding, and an additional $4.9 billion as part of the ESSER III funding.
This topic interests me because currently in Philadelphia Governor Tom Wolf if trying to eradicate 229 million dollars of federal funding away from Philadelphia charter schools. Charter schools were created to provide opportunities for teachers, parents, students and community members to establish and maintain schools that operate independently from the existing school district structure as a method to accomplish the following: improve student learning; increase learning opportunities for all students; encourage the use of different and innovative teaching methods; create new professional opportunities for teachers; provide parents and students with expanded choices in the types of educational opportunities that are available within the public school system; and be accountable for meeting measurable academic standards. Charter schools are exempt from many educational mandates. Some of the mandates that charter schools are not exempt from include health and safety, special education, civil rights, student accountability, employee criminal history checks, open meetings, freedom of information requirements, generally accepted accounting principles, and certain provisions of the Pennsylvania School Code.
In 2020 and 2021, Congress passed three stimulus bills that provided nearly $190.5 billion to the Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief (ESSER) Fund. States receive funds based on the same proportion that each state receives under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) Title-IA. States must distribute at least 90% of funds to local education agencies (LEAs) based on their proportional share of ESEA Title I-A funds. States have the option to reserve 10% of the allocation for emergency needs as determined by the state to address issues responding to the COVID-19 pandemic.
My research question is what were the positive potential impacts of President Bidens COVID relief bill , to charter schools in Philadelphia? How did the benefit from the large amounts of federal funds? Would charter schools benefit from the same amount of funding to address learning loss, after ESSER allocations? Could this be a potential paradigm for the future distribution of funds for charter schools in Philadelphia?
I would survey the CEO’s of the charter schools along with the principals and teachers. I will also compare data from each of their budget allocations to see how they planned on spending the funds and see how useful those funds have been so far. If they think they have been helpful? I would also like to see what is the record of schools that are follow federal and state compliance in Philadelphia.
Community Land Trusts: The power of home ownership to increase economic and social equity.
There is a housing crisis of unprecedented proportions in the U.S., a crisis made worse by the pandemic. During much of the past year, Covid-19 lockdowns caused all but essential workers to be confined to home. The reality of what constitutes home for many of our country’s disadvantaged residents hit hard. Families trapped with children in cramped, inadequately heated and ventilated apartments, unable to pay rent and living with the threat of eviction vividly illustrate the need to deliver more housing choices to low-income individuals and families, many of whom are people of color. An “estimated 30-40 million people are at risk” of losing their homes through eviction or foreclosure and bankruptcy (Benfer, 2020).
The time is right for cities to embrace a longstanding, but unevenly applied vehicle of home ownership: Community Land Trusts, or CLTs. The first modern CLT in the U.S., New Communities in Atlanta, was born of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, but CLTs transcend racial boundaries. They serve anyone who aspires to home ownership, the cornerstone of the traditional American Dream. There are currently more than 250 CLTs in the U.S., and their versatility makes them uniquely suited to tackle the housing crisis. CLT homes are generally affordable to people at 30 percent to 80 percent of the Area Median Income (AMI) (Harmon, 2013, p. 8). They are egalitarian vehicles that enable home ownership for individuals and families who would otherwise be excluded from the housing market.
Community Land Trusts are an underutilized land-use tool that helps low-income communities achieve social and economic equity through home ownership. In this paper, I will examine how CLTs can be a useful tool in the provision of affordable housing and benefit individuals and families not only economically, but also socially.
Can CLTs serve as an effective vehicle for home ownership and increase economic and social equity in disadvantaged populations?
Examine the economic and social benefits of home ownership via CLTs in disadvantaged populations. Economic benefits include decreased rates of home mortgage delinquency and foreclosure. Social benefits include measures such as increased self-worth and stability for individuals and families.
The racial wealth gap in the U.S. originated as early as the mid-twentieth century. African American veterans of World War II were excluded from home ownership in Levittown, Pennsylvania, one of the nation’s first developments, as a result of racist restrictions on Federal Housing Authority (FHA) and Veterans Administration (VA) mortgages. In this and other locations, builders created “suburbs with the FHA- or VA-imposed conditions that the suburbs be all white” (Rothstein, 2017, p. 70). This shameful legacy persists today, as African Americans have failed to realize benefits from home appreciation that are the foundation of middle-class wealth.
Like all homeowners, CLT residents enjoy a host of emotional and practical benefits not available to renters: stable housing costs; pride and satisfaction; increased personal wealth; tax benefits; a legacy for heirs; and the opportunity to invest in their education, retirement, and health, all of which enhance quality of life.
Secondary data show that CLTs are more stable than free-market housing solutions: land trust residents have below-average rates of mortgage delinquency and foreclosures. In 2008, at the peak of the foreclosure crisis, CLT homeowners were ten times less likely to be in foreclosure proceedings and eight times less likely to be seriously delinquent than homeowners of all incomes in the private market. Unlike many private homeowners, CLT residents were not displaced from their homes (Thaden & Pickett, 2019, p. 4).
Gather more recent secondary data on the effect of CLTs on mortgage delinquency and foreclosure rates. Identify data that captures the beneficial impact of home ownership on other measures of social stability and progress such as physical health, school attendance, job stability, family cohesion, etc. Some of these data will be available through public datasets. Other less tangible measures of individual satisfaction and social stability can be collected through primary research such as surveys, focus groups, and personal interviews.
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